Showing posts with label Delegación Iztacalco. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Delegación Iztacalco. Show all posts

Sunday, June 16, 2019

Original Villages | Fiestas in Pueblo Iztacalco, Part II: Playing With The Paradox of Mexican Identity

Pueblo Iztacalco and San Matías, Its Patron Saint


The second fiesta we attended in Pueblo Iztacalco this year was in mid-May. The first was in mid-April, for the Viernes de Dolores, the Friday of Sorrows, before Palm Sunday. As we wrote in our post, it turned out to be about something completely different, a commemoration of La Viga Canal, central to some three hundred years of the pueblo's life.

This Saturday in May is the pueblo's fiesta for its patron saint, San Matías. St. Matías was a little known apostle or disciple, chosen by lot from followers of Jesus to replace Judas Iscariot. After Judas had betrayed Jesus to the Roman and Jewish powers and Jesus was crucified, he hung himself in remorse. [See our post on the Passion Play of Iztapalapa.] Matías thus restored to twelve the number of central disciples or apostles of Jesus, echoing the twelve sons of the Jewish patriarch, Jacob and the tribes they founded. Matías thus became one of the core group that, after his resurrection, Jesus had charged with spreading the Gospel, the Good News, that his sacrificial death and miraculous resurrection opened the way for sinful mankind to be redeemed and reconciled to God.

San Matías church is the central church of the entire original pueblo. Each of its seven barrios, Santa Cruz, La Asunción, San Miguel, Los Reyes, San Sebastián Zapotla, San Francisco Xicaltongo and Santiago Atoyac, has its own chapel, under the care of the church of San Matías.

Original Pueblo de Iztacalco
composed of seven original barrios
outlined by the black boundary line.
(Barrio Santiago Atoyac, on the west side, has been divided into north [green] 

and south [yellow] sections.
Pueblo Santa Anita Zacatlamanco [large, light green area on the north side, labeled "El Ranchito"] 
is a separate, but closely related original pueblo.)

 Site of Iztacalco's plaza and Church of San Matías, in Barrio Asunción,
is marked by 
green/navy blue star.
 Line up the middle, south to north, marks the original Canal de la Viga,
now the avenue Calzada de la Viga.

Fiesta Dynamics: Combining the Expected with the Unexpected


Attending many fiestas over the past three years, we gradually came to be aware that they manifested two contrasting dynamics at work. First, there is conformity to a traditional ritualized structure of Catholic worship. Second, there is an ánimo (energy, vitality, spirit) of playful creativity that enlivens and transforms the ritual, giving it an expression unique to the community. We have written about this combination of traditionally determined ritual structure and free-spirited variations in its enactment in three essays:
With this awareness, we arrive at each new fiesta in each new pueblo expecting to encounter certain predetermined rituals, but also expecting we will encounter surprises in how the communal ánimo of the pueblo's members has, over the years, creatively interpreted and shaped its own, unique variations of those rituals and, thus its unique public identity.

The Paradoxical Interaction of Ritual and Play in the Veneration of San Matías


Iztacalco's fiesta venerating San Matías proved to be a striking combination of ritual and play, one that puzzled, even bewildered us as it slowly unfolded before our eyes. It seemed to present a contradiction between the purpose of the ritual, i.e., the veneration of a patron saint, and the particular persona (from the Greek for mask) chosen as a disfraz (disguise) by the persons carrying it out. It was one that we had never encountered among all the disfraces, such as chinelos (Nahuatl for disguised ones) and charros (fancily dressed Spanish cowboys), we have met. It was a conundrum that took some time for us to come to an insight that, if correct, makes sense of the apparent paradox. 

We arrive at the Church of San Matías late on a sunny Saturday afternoon, expecting to witness the traditional procession of the patron saint through the seven barrios of the pueblo. It is scheduled for four o'clock. We know we will not be able to follow the procession its entire length, but we intend to witness its beginning. We find the atrio (atrium) of the church virtually empty. There are no signs of preparation for a procession. We ask a matronly woman leaving the convent adjacent to the church what she may know about the event. She knows nothing. The church doors are closed. 

Church of San Matías,
with its convent, built of tezontle, volcanic stone, to the right.

A colorful portada announces the fiesta.
The butterflies near the bottom are an indigenous symbol of rebirth.
Above them, on both sides of the covered image of San Matías,
are hummingbirds, an indigenous symbol of sacrifice,
as their drawing of nectar is equated with the drawing of blood.

The clock tells us it's a quarter to four.

Walking out of the atrio, we ask a man and a woman ambulantes (street vendors) standing by the entrance if they know anything about a procession. We are dubious that these commercially focused folk will be able to help in our religiously focused quest. The man surprises us by saying, "Oh yes, it will begin around the corner, by the side door to the convent."

We thank him for this essential information and walk around the corner of the atrio, into a side street. Down the block, we spy a white van parked and, standing around it, musicians, dressed in black shirts (hot, we think for May's summer-like heat) and white pants and holding their brass instruments. It's a banda, one of the essential ingredients for a procession. We approach them, introduce ourselves and our purpose in being here and confirm that there is to be a procession. After a few minutes, without any visible cue, they start to play. It seems the procession is about to begin, but there are no parishioners in sight, let alone a statue of San Matías. Puzzling.

Strike Up the Band

A Paradox Makes Its First Appearance


At this point, a man arrives, dressed in a bright yellow tailcoat, black pants and white shoes. He proceeds to complete dressing in his disfraz, putting a red balaclava over his head and pinning a white scarf bordered in red and yellow to the balaclava so it hangs down the back of his neck. He then tops it off (forgive the pun) with a yellow and red top hat decorated with red stars. The piece de résistance is a mask with pale skin, hazel eyes and jewel-studded eyebrows and beard. It is the style of the masks worn by chinelos and charros that are intended to be burlas, mockeries, of upperclass Spanish gentlemen. 

We have never before seen such a disfraz at a fiesta. It is that of a European or "Western" upper-class gentleman of the latter half of the 19th century. Why, we wonder, is such a persona part of a patron saint fiesta in a Mexican working-class community? It is a question that will take us some time and thought to answer.


Sporting a red and yellow parasol (literally, "for the sun") dangling more stars,
the gentleman heads off down the street,
accompanied by the banda playing vigorously.

Destination Unknown


The "gentleman" and the banda, now joined by a few parishioners in everyday clothing, head off at a rapid pace. We have no idea where they are going or why, but we hurry to keep up with them. After a couple of blocks, we wonder whether we can keep up their pace or will have to resign ourselves to being left behind, in the proverbial "middle of nowhere". We do know the way back to the church, but we will be disappointed to be left out of whatever is happening. Fortunately, while we are considering our dilemma, the group stops to rest and then continues on at a more moderate, and for us, doable pace.  

Along the way, a couple of young men, dressed similarly to the "gentleman" in yellow, but in black and white, join the procession (if that's what it is). A young boy, disguised as a charro also joins the group.

     
Note the Christian Cross. Here is the paradox: expressing one's Catholic faith
at the same time one is portraying an upper-class "gentleman". 

A Novel Means for Transporting a Saint


Walking a few more blocks, we all come to the fenced-in entrance of what seems to be some kind of open-air market, but not with the usual individual stalls of the traditional tianguisA red pickup truck is parked in the entrance gate — its bed ringed with a plethora of fresh flowers, lilies and roses. A portada-style backdrop stands at the head.    


We are perplexed and ask one of the parishioners what this is. She tells us that it the anda (platform) that will carry San Matías in the procession. She explains that we will now head back to the church to pick up the saint. 

We have seen many variations of andas for carrying saints, from huge, flower-bedecked "floats" born on the shoulders of a dozen or more men and women, to small wooden tables with pole-like handles projecting frontward and backward from the corners for the bearers to carry it, to large tricycles with huge baskets normally used by street peddlers, but we have never seen a pickup truck being used as one. Ingenious and requiring no human muscle.

After a few minutes wait, the truck moves off, followed by the banda, the "gentlemen", a handful of parishioners and us. Fortunately, the truck sets a reasonable pace for us pedestrians. In fact, it seems to be the pace of a procession. We realize that the somewhat hurried walk we have experienced was simply to meet this pickup anda so as to accompany it back to the church. It was a prelude to the actual procession.

A Procession Takes Shape, the Paradox Heightens


We head back to the church, but not by the street we came on. En route, we are joined by a person carrying a banner of San Matías and more "gentlemen". The procession appears to be taking shape as we move along.


    
Two more "gentlemen" of Iztacalco.
Note, again, the Cross.
(We love both beards!)

We note the Christian Cross on the top hats of some of the "gentlemen". If the disfraz of being a "gentleman", like those of being chinelos and imitating charros, is meant to be a mockery of the Spanish, the cross represents the adoption of the Catholic faith those very Spanish brought to the New World.

We have seen this paradoxical combination of ridicule of the Spanish combined with symbols of adherence to the Catholic faith innumerable times on the disfraces of chinelos. Charro symbolism does not, as far as we recall, include explicitly Catholic ones. They are, in most cases, symbols of power borrowed from classic "Western" cultures such as Egypt, Greece, Rome and European royalty, or indigenous or traditional Mexican ones, such as bronco-busting cowboys. (For examples of charro symbolism see our post, Carnaval in Pueblos of Eastern Iztapalapa.)

Arriving at the Church, the Paradox Reaches a Peak


After traveling some blocks, we come out onto la Calzada de la Viga, the four-lane boulevard that replaced the canal in the 1950s. We are a few blocks south of the church.

The Calzada is divided in two by a wide, park-like camellón (median);
both sides run north.


Shortly, we arrive at the plaza. The truck backs up to the curb. The "gentlemen" head for the church on the opposite side of the plaza. In the atrio, an entire group of "gentlemen" is waiting.

Gentlemen in waiting.

San Matías, in a glass case, is carried from the church on a small wooden anda.

A small version of San Matías,
known as a "demandita", little petition.
The size makes him very portable.

San Matías is carried from the atrio.

The gentlemen follow.
The hat of the second one bears the indigenous glyph of Iztacalco,
another curious juxtaposition of cultures.

San Matías is loaded on his pickup anda.



The "gentlemen" wait,
while San Matías is prepared for his tour through all seven barrios of Pueblo Iztacalco.




When all is ready, the pickup truck, carrying San Matías, the "gentlemen" and some parishioners start off on the procession. We bid, "Qué te vaya bien," "May it go well for you" and remain behind in the plaza, having expended our energies in the process of the prelude.

 So who are these "gentilhombres", and why are they here?


So who are these "gentilhombres" (hen-teel-OHM-bres), these "gentlemen"? The persona, we recognize, is that of a European or "Western" upperclass gentleman of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th. As we asked ourselves when we saw the first "gentleman" in his yellow top hat and tailcoat, why is such a persona participating in this patron saint fiesta in a Mexican working-class community?

We recall that we have seen this persona before in Mexican imagery, in the work of the Mexican muralists of the post-Mexican Revolution period of the 1920s, Diego Rivera and José Clemente Orozco. (See our series of posts on the complexities and contradictions of the Revolution: Mexican Revolution: Overview of Its Actors and Chapers and The Genesis of the Mexican Mural Movement: The San Carlos Academy of Art and Dr. Atl.)

La Orgia-La Noche de los Ricos
The Orgy-The Night of the Rich
by Diego Rivera
in the Secretariat of Education

El banquete de los ricos
Banquet of the Rich


Below the rich are the laboring poor.
by José Clemente Orozco
in Museo San Ildefonso

El juicio final
The Last Judgement,
by José Clemente Orozco.

Halos float above the top hats of the gentlemen.
God is inebriated and about to lose his grip on the world.
This is the left half of the mural.
Museo de San Ildefonso

El juicio final
The Last Judgement

In the right half of the mural, devils chase the poor away
from the presence of God.

The "gentlemen", sardonically and harshly portrayed by Rivera and Orozco, were, in Mexico, the bourgeois gentlemen of the Porfiriato, the dictatorship of repeatedly reelected president Porfirio Díaz from 1876 to 1911, when the Mexican Revolution took him down. So the image has specific historical and political meaning in Mexico. These "gentlemen" are the quintessential representatives of los de arriba, those from above, the opposite of los de abajo, those from below, the peasant farmers, miners and urban laborers.

Thus, the "gentlemen" venerating the patron saint of an originally indigenous pueblo manifest the paradox at the center of Mexican life and culture, the conflict between indigenous and Spanish worlds continued in class terms of los de arriba vs. los de abajo and the partial reconciliation that has been worked out between them. A major vehicle of this reconciliation has been through a shared Catholic faith, the so-called Spiritual Conquest. Here, in the procession of the patron saint of Pueblo Iztacalco, San Matías, this paradox is displayed with the ironic humor of parody.

The conflicts, contradictions and paradoxes underlying that pragmatic reconciliation remain. The "gentlemen" are a symbolic, communal expression of what is an ambivalent resolution of the paradox. They are a parody of the Spanish and Hipanicized mestizo (mixed race) upper class, a burlesque (Spanish: burla), playfully incorporated into a formal ritual of the Catholic faith, a procession of the saint through his community.  

While the "gentlemen", by their ostentatious manner, parody the very personas they are enacting, by their wearing the symbol of the Cross, they signal their true belief in the faith by which the two worlds were joined. Ironically, these upper-class "gentlemen" are venerating a saint who, while he was brought by their cultural forefathers from Spain and imposed upon el pueblo (the people of the indigenous village), over time was transformed by that pueblo into its own, made into a santo popular, a saint of the people. The tables have been turned, at least in this playful parody. Los de arriba are paying honor to the saint of los de abajo.

The use of parody by los de abajo, the working class, with their indigenous roots, to burlesque los de arriba, with their roots in the Spanish Conquest, is quintessentially Mexican. Thus, the "gentlemen" participating in the patron saint fiesta of Pueblo Iztacalco, San Matías, are the perfect ironically playful expression of the paradox at the core of Mexican identity.
"And the haughty man shall be brought down, and the mighty man shall be humbled..." (Isaiah 5:15)
Delegación Iztacalco
is the small, dark green area
in the northeast of the City,
just southeast of Delegación Cuauhtémoc,
site of Centro/Tenochtitlan.



Delegación/Alcaldía Iztacalco
with its barrios and colonias.
The original Pueblo Iztacalco in marked by the green and yellow star.


Friday, May 31, 2019

Original Villages | Fiestas in Pueblo Iztacalco, Part I: Commemorating the Past, Enjoying the Present

Challenge of Finding Fiestas in Pueblo Iztacalco


Delegación/Alcaldía (mayoralty, borough) Iztacalco, the smallest delegación/alcaldía in the city, is no more than fifteen minutes north from our home base in Delegacion/Alcaldía Coyoacán. Immediately southeast of Delegación Cuauhtémoc (Centro Histórico's location)it has major highways and avenues surrounding and crossing it, so it is easy to access. San Matías church, from the 16th century, is the central church of the original pueblo, while each of its seven barrios, Santa Cruz, La Asunción, San Miguel, Los Reyes, San Sebastián Zapotla, San Francisco Xicaltongo and Santiago Atoyac, has its own chapel, so there should be plenty of fiestas.

Yet, we have found it difficult to find fiestas that its barrios are celebrating individually or together as a pueblo in the plaza in front of San Matías. A couple of barrio fiestas we have attended have been so small in attendance and limited in their activities that we haven't been able to find a narrative to present them. We did present the Barrio Santiago Atoyac's Honoring of the Virgin of Guadalupe. It, too, was a small affair, but full of ánimo (spirit, liveliness) and color, providing the elements of a good post. Perhaps, we thought, we just hadn't yet found the major fiesta.

Finally, recently, our luck changed. There were two fiestas in Iztacalco held close together. First, in mid-April was el Viernes de Dolores (Friday of Pain or Sorrows) the Friday before Palm Sunday, which venerates the Virgin Mary for all the sorrows and pain she experienced in the life of her son, Jesus the Christ, ending in His Passion, his torture and crucifixion during Semana Santa (Holy Week).

The second fiesta was in mid-May, the patron saint fiesta for San Matías. We will present that in part II of this series.

From Recalling with Sorrow the Sufferings of the Virgin to Recalling with Pride La Viga Canal


Arriving at the Viernes de Dolores, we do not find the expected focus on the Virgin Mary and her suffering. Normally, it is accompanied by an elaborate and specific set of symbols for her suffering, such as a heart pierced with seven daggers, representing the seven times in her life when she was made aware that her son would die as a sacrifice, or hanging glass globes filled with liquid, representing her tears. Instead, we encounter a celebration of the history of the Royal or (after Independence from Spain) the National Canal, popularly called La Viga (the Beam). The change of focus and the reversal of sentiments is, to say the least, striking, but we realize from past research about the history of Mexico City that there is an underlying connection.


Iztacalco's Transformation from an Island, to a Stop on a Canal


Iztacalco was originally an island or set of islands, among many in the midst of a bay in the southwest corner of Lake Texcoco, south of the great city of the Mexica/Azteca, Tenochtitlan. Its residents made their living by extracting salt from the waters of the lake and selling it in the famous market of Tlatelolco, just north of Tenochtitlan. (The lakes, being totally surrounded by mountains, had no outlet to the sea. Lake Texcoco was the lowest in altitude and therefore received the waters from the four other lakes in the system, thus becoming salty.) Iztacalco means House of Salt in Nahuatl.

The island of Iztacalco
lay near the southeast end 

of the west bay of Lake Texcoco,
about halfway between the Peninsula of Iztapalapa

(lower right corner) 
and the island city of Tenochtitlan.

Sculpture of the Nahuatl glyph for House of Salt
in the Plaza of Iztacalco

In the 17th century, the Spanish decided to drain Lake Texcoco to protect Mexico City (built atop the destroyed Tenochtitlan), from frequent flooding during the summer rainy season. As the lake dropped away, they built the Royal Canal to provide a water route for the transportation of agricultural products from the chinampas (man-made islands) in Lakes Xochimilco and Chalco, in the southern part of the Valley, to the City.

Iztacalco — now no longer an island, but part of the mainland, and no longer with a salt business —  became a major stop along the canal, with a pier for loading products for the city. (See our post: La Viga Canal: Pathway from a Land of Lakes to One of Roadways)

La Viga (former Royal, then National) Canal in 1850.
It is superimposed on a map of Mexico City from 1970.
Iztacalco lies somewhat more than halfway up the canal.

Heavy red line up the center is modern outer-ring expressway.
Thin red line up left side is Calzada de Tlalpan,
the former Mexica cuepotli, causeway,

between Tenochtitlan and the southern end of Lake Texcoco.

Paseo (trip) of Viceroy (1702-1710) Don Francisco Fernandez de la Cueva, Duke of Albuquerque, 
and his wife, Doña Juana de la Cerda, up the Royal Canal in the early 18th century. 
Their barge is in the foreground.

The church of 
San Matías Ixtacalco is in the left background. 
(The pueblo's name was spelled with an 'x' until the 20th century.)
Painted by Pedro Villegas in 1706,
it is the oldest representation of the Canal de la Viga and chinampas (man-made island gardens, on the right).
Wikipedia en español

Church of San Matías today,
little changed in over four hundred years.
How El Viernes de Dolores Became Connected with La Viga Canal: El Paseo de la Viga

In 1785, Viceroy Bernardo de Galvez ordered a promenade built alongside the Royal Canal. When de Galvez died unexpectedly, it was completed under the mandate of the new viceroy, the Second Count of Revillagigedo, who undertook a major renewal of the entire cityscape.

Called el Paseo de la Viga, it ran from south of the Church of San Pablo Nuevo, in what was then the southeast corner of the city, to the Garita (tollhouse) de la Viga (see map above), near Pueblo Santa Anita Zacatlamanco, north of Iztacalco (see island map above). It was approximately one kilometer, a little over half a mile in length, and thirty meters, or nearly a hundred feet, wide. On Sundays, families would take a paseo, stroll, along the western side of the Canal. They could also ride horses or in carriages or travel on the Canal on trajineras (flat-bottomed canoes), just as Mexicans and tourists do today on the canals of Xochimilco.

El Paseo y Garita de la Viga
Lithograph by Casimiro Castro
In the foreground is the embarcadero where people boarded flat-bottomed trajineras.

To the right is the Paseo, filled with pedestrians
and horse-drawn carriages.

From: El Paseo y la Garita de la Viga
By: Manuel Aguirre Botello
MexicoMaxico

It became the tradition to hold a large tianguis (outdoor market) and festival during Semana Santa (Holy Week) at the end of the Paseo in Santa Anita Zacatlamanco. Such Semana Santa holiday markets are still held in various cities in Mexico. There are big ones in Pátzcuaro and Uruapan in Michoacán, where we used to live. We are grateful to Diego Rivera for a wonderful mural of this market/fiesta along the canal, still held in the 1920s.

Viernes de Dolores en el Canal de Santa Ana
Friday of Sorrows on the Santa Ana Canal

Diego Rivera, in the Secretariat of Public Education
Fiesta del Viernes de Dolores
Canal de la Viga
Pueblo Santa Anita.

From Facebook page
Iztacalco Barrio Mágico, Pueblo Bendecido por Dios
@barriomagico.iztacalco
During the 1920s, trucks replaced the need for trajineras to bring produce into the center city, and paved roads eliminated the need for the canal. It fell into disuse but remained in existence until the 1950s. Then, as part of a government urban development plan to create many major avenues for automobiles in the city, the canal was filled in and paved over, becoming the avenue Calzada de la Viga. In place of the canal, it now runs through the center of the original Pueblo Iztacalco, directly in front of the Plaza and the Church of San Matías.

Street sign near the central plaza.

Plaza de Iztacalco, seen from la Calzada de la Viga.
The Church of San Matías sits to the rear, hidden by the 19th-century kiosk
and vendors' tarps.

What we witness today, on el Viernes de Dolores, is a remnant of that former holiday market, moved south from neighboring Santa Anita, and a commemoration of the important place la Viga Canal played in the history of Iztacalco after it was transformed from an island producing salt to a stopping point on that primary commercial pathway of the City. 

Images of La Viga


As we enter the plaza, we see along one side a display of photographs. They are turn
-of-the-19th to 20th-century images of la Viga:

La Viga
The arches structure is a garita, a toll booth

Because the exhibit is outside, the photos are covered with plastic wrap. Hence the wrinkles.


"La Flor Más Bella" de la Viga.
The Most Beautiful Flower" of la Viga.
Here is a link to a wonderful, three-minute slide show of more old photos and paintings of life on and around La Viga from the late 19th century into the early years of the 20th. It includes photos of the fair of Viernes de Dolores and "La Flor Más Bella", presented below in this post. Video thanks to the Facebook page Iztacalco Barrio Mágico.

"La Flor Más Bella", "The Most Beautiful Flower"


The last photo portrays "La Flor Más Bella", "The Most Beautiful Flower" of the canal system. It is a beauty contest sponsored by the flower growers in the chinampas and users of the canal and held each year at Easter time. The contest is still held every Eastertide on the canals of Xochimilco. It celebrates the chinampa-canal system which makes possible the year-round growing of flowers and produce, making it the major source for the flower and vegetable markets all over the Valley, from the major Jamaica indoor market to smaller local formal markets to informal street vendors. (See our post on the Markets of Mexico City)

Now, here in Pueblo Iztacalco, we are presented with its Flor Más Bella. A gentleman in traditional charro cowboy suit with a huge sombrero speaks to the small crowd about the history of la Viga and its importance in the heritage of Iztacalco


Then a pretty young woman and two other females, dressed in indigenous-style dress come forward. 

"La Flor Más Bella" is in the middle. 

La Flor Más Bella and the other two women wear variations of parts of female dress popular among urban women in central and southern Mexico, including Mexico City, Puebla and Cuernavaca, during the 19th and early 20th century known as China poblana (Puebla woman). It mixes elements of various indigenous dress components, such as the huipil, the square-cut blouse with embroidered flowers from Chiapas and Oaxaca, two highly indigenous states. Frida Kahlo, at the encouragement of her husband, Diego Rivera, is the most famous representative of China poblana attire, a modern, urban woman displaying a rural indigenous heritage. It is worn here for a ceremonial occasion. It is hardly ever seen on the streets of Mexico City. Upscale women in Cuernavaca dress in huipil blouses and blue jeans.  

A China poblano dress of Frida Kahlo
Frida Kahlo House Museum.

La Flor Más Bella


Danzón: Dance that is Elegant, Formal and Sexual


After the commemoration of La Viga, the party really begins. Danzón music is played from loudspeakers and several couples of la tercera edad, the third age, i.e., senior citizens, get up from the plaza benches and begin its slow, stylized and sensuous movements. They are definitely "dressed-up" for the occasion, the women in cocktail-style dresses, the men mostly in suits or sports jackets and slacks. Danzón arose in the tropical heat of Cuba, a mixture of Spanish 2/4 contradance rhythm and African syncopation. Many danzón groups exist in towns and cities across Mexico.

Let´s dance!

Wouldn't we love to be able to wear
 an indigo suit?

Or a black fedora with an orange band and a white suit with an orange handkerchief?

We´ll dance until we can no more.


Love all around







Delegación Iztacalco
is the small, dark green area
in the northeast of the City,
just southeast of Delegación Cuauhtémoc,
site of Centro/Tenochtitlan.

Delegación/Alcaldía Iztacalco
with its barrios and colonias.
The center of the barrios forming the original Pueblo Iztacalco 
are marked by green/yellow star.

Blue line passing through the star was the Viga Canal,
now the avenue Calzada de la Viga.

Original Pueblo de Iztacalco
composed of seven original barrios
marked by black boundary line.
(Barrio Santiago has been divided into north [green] and south [yellow] sections.
Pueblo Santa Anita (green area at top) was a separate pueblo.
 Site of plaza and main Church of San Matías, in Barrio Asunción, 
is marked by 
green/blue star.

South to North line up the middle marks the original Canal de la Viga,
now the avenue Calzada de la Viga.